This originally appeared on TheAfricaReport.com
President Joe Biden has postponed his trip to Luanda. With US elections in less than four weeks it is unlikely he will visit Africa as president.
On 8 October, President Joe Biden announced he would not be visiting Angola on 11-13 October as planned, citing the crisis of Hurricane Milton in Florida. He was due to hold a high-profile meeting with President João Lourenço, focusing on key issues like democracy, climate security, clean energy and peace. Biden said the trip had been postponed, but with the upcoming 5 November election it is unlikely Biden will visit Angola before the end of his term.
Historically, only two US presidents have visited Africa in December or January: Franklin Roosevelt during World War II and George HW Bush in 1993 to visit US troops in Somalia.
This history suggests that Biden’s postponed trip could very well be a missed opportunity to reset US-Africa relations, and with Barack Obama being the last president to visit Africa in 2015 (with stops in Kenya and Ethiopia), the postponement underscores the long-standing critique that the US often arrives too late or fails to follow through on its promises to Africa.
The good that could have been
Had the trip occurred, it could have bolstered US investments in Angola’s oil, gas and mining sectors. Earlier this year, the US International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) financed Phase II of the Lobito Corridor, a project aimed at connecting mining regions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Zambia to Angola’s port.
Biden’s presence in Angola might have been a key moment to push for further collaboration on infrastructure and development projects.
The visit also presented a chance for Angola to diversify away from China, which holds $17bn of Angolan debt. By offering alternatives to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the US could have positioned itself as a counterweight to growing Chinese and Russian influence.
Angola’s close ties to those nations make it a strategic focal point, especially given US concerns over terrorism and Russian-backed mercenaries, like the Wagner Group, operating in Africa.
Moreover, the trip could have signalled a shift in US engagement with Africa. Unlike China, the US doesn’t have a vast network of state-owned companies to underpin a BRI-style investment strategy, nor does it have the domestic oversupply of contractors to deploy to the continent.
However, it does possess technical expertise and financial capital that could play a crucial role in sustainable development across the continent.
The bad of the postponement
The postponement of Biden’s trip reflects the US’ ongoing inconsistency in engaging with Africa. While the US continues to express interest in Africa, concrete actions often lag behind, and this delay is emblematic of that trend.
This inconsistency is particularly concerning as China has solidified its position as Africa’s largest trading partner, a status it achieved in 2009.
China-Africa trade is now more than four times the volume of US-Africa trade. Even if Biden had made the trip, questions would remain about how the US plans to sustain its engagement with Africa after his presidency ends.
Security partnerships also pose challenges. The recent withdrawal of US troops from Niger after political protests and Chad’s threats to end security cooperation highlight the fragility of US influence. Meanwhile, China’s BRI has signed deals with 52 African nations despite facing similar political and security challenges, demonstrating greater resilience in its approach.
An opportunity lost
Africa’s influence in the Global South is growing. The expansion of the BRICS+ bloc this year, adding Ethiopia and Egypt alongside Iran and the UAE, reflects this trend.
Without swift and strategic action, the US risks being overshadowed in Africa as other global powers continue to strengthen their relationships and expand their influence
Furthermore, 25 of 54 African countries abstained or did not vote on the 2022 UN resolution condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, signalling a more independent stance on global issues.
While the US has voiced support for two permanent African seats on the UN Security Council, such symbolic gestures (especially considering the US previously offered similar support to Germany, India and Japan) need to be accompanied by meaningful engagement across the continent on issues beyond security.
Without this, the US risks falling behind not only China and Russia but also Gulf and European powers actively competing for influence in Africa.
The future of US influence in Africa
Africa is not bound to any single partner. The continent isn’t anti-China or anti-Russia; it’s open to collaborating with any nation that offers the best deals and support.
Biden’s Angola trip could have been an opportunity for the US to demonstrate a new, strategic approach – one that goes beyond rhetoric and delivers real, sustainable outcomes.
Without swift and strategic action, the US risks being overshadowed in Africa as other global powers continue to strengthen their relationships and expand their influence.
Time is running out for the US to prove it can engage meaningfully and consistently with the continent.
